BREAKING THE CODE
Japanese workers and managers at the Matsushita Electric Company would jointly chorus each day:
... Doing our best to promote production,
Sending our goods to the people of the world,
Endlessly and continuously.
Like water gushing from a fountain.
Grow, industry, Grow, Grow, Grow!
Harmony and sincerity!
Matsushita Electric!
In 1960, as the United States completed the stage of traditional industrialism and began to feel the first effects of the Third Wave of change, its fifty largest industrial corporations had grown to employ an average of 80,000 workers each. General Motors alone employed 595,000, and one utility, Vail’s AT&T, employed 736,000 women and men. This meant, at an average household size of 3.3 that year, that well over 2,000,000 people were dependent upon paychecks from this one company alone—a group equal to one half the population of the entire country when Hamilton and Washington were stitching it into a nation. (Since then AT&T has swollen to even more gargantuan proportions. By 1970 it employed 956,000—having added 136,000 employees to its work force in a single twelve-month period.)
AT&T was a special case and, of course, Americans were peculiarly addicted to bigness. But macrophilia was no monopoly of ib.e Americans. In France in 1963 fourteen hundred firms—a mere V* of 1 percent of all companies—employed fully 38 percent of the work force. Governments in Germany, Britain, and other countries actively encouraged mergers to create even larger companies, in the belief that larger scale would help them compete against the American giants.
Nor was this scale maximization simply a reflection of profit maximization. Marx had associated the “increasing scale of industrial establishments” with the “wider development of their material powers.’* Lenin, in turn, argued that “huge enterprises, trusts and syndicates had brought the mass production technique to its highest level of development.” His first order of business after the Soviet revolution was to con-
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